mercredi 7 décembre 2016

Hávamál 41-45 - Stanzas 41-45 with notes

Hávamál 41-45 - Stanzas 41-45 with notes

41. Friends shall gladden each other | with arms and garments,
As each for himself can see;
Gift-givers' friendships | are longest found,
If fair their fates may be.
42. To his friend a man | a friend shall prove,
And gifts with gifts requite;
But men shall mocking | with mockery answer,
And fraud with falsehood meet.
43. To his friend a man | a friend shall prove,
To him and the friend of his friend;
But never a man | shall friendship make
With one of his foeman's friends.
44. If a friend thou hast | whom thou fully wilt trust,
And good from him wouldst get,
Thy thoughts with his mingle, | and gifts shalt thou make,
And fare to find him oft.
45. If another thou hast | whom thou hardly wilt trust,
Yet good from him wouldst get,
Thou shalt speak him fair, | but falsely think,
And fraud with falsehood requite.

Hávamál 41-45 - Stanzas 41-45 with notes

Rites – Veizla / Húsel

Rites – Veizla / Húsel

Veizla / húsel (sometimes called housel) is a sacred feast. In ancient times, it followed blót / blétsung as a matter of course, since the ancient heathens sacrificed animals and the act of sharing with the gods was not complete until they had eaten the meat. Hence all the accounts of blót continue to describe the feast, and they were often run together in Old Norse into the composite word blótveizla. With the modern innovation of the drinking blót, we have no such obvious need to feast, and modern heathens meet more often and usually with more time constraints than the ancient heathens. So the feast is the least observed of our three sacred rites, although a communal meal often does follow a blót or precede a sumbel / symbel, and in non-English-speaking countries it is common to offer food as well as drink in blót.
When a veizla is performed as a separate rite from blót, it is a formal banquet. A blót bowl on the table (at a feast following blót, the same bowl is used and is poured out only after the feast) represents the Urðarbrunnr or Well of Wyrd, as at sumble / symbel, and speech should be considered lest rash statements adversely impact the megin / mægen of all present. In a veizla that follows a blót, particularly after an animal sacrifice, the feasting is a continuation of the offerings and the gods are still present; in a separate veizla, the toasts will invite them to be present. Everyone should have drinking vessels and toasts should be made and joined in by the entire company; it may therefore be a good idea to plan out the sequence of toasts and the food preparation so that the toasts are spaced throughout the meal and the cooks and servers are present and participating in all of them. Assigned seating is common, particularly at an Anglo-Saxon húsel where it usually reflects rank; it is also a way to pair up newcomers with experienced heathens, discourage chatter, and otherwise help ensure a more focused atmosphere than at a secular dinner party. In some ways, the Jewish seder is a good model for the atmosphere of a sacral meal, although there is no script for a veizla / húsel, no equivalent of the Haggadah.
Texts say the veizla took place in the hof, but they also describe a separate altar area. So it is generally agreed that a communal veizla should not be in the vé but nearby, often in the dining area of the same house or in the case of an outdoor blót, in a nearby picnic shelter or indoors. The food and drink, however, are hallowed, using hammersigning, fire, or both. It is actually from descriptions of veizla that both practices are derived.
Some heathens leave a special plate for the gods at veizla, with a normal-sized portion that is then set out outdoors in the same place the blót bowl is poured out (on earth or grass, often under a tree, or alternatively in the fire at an outdoor blót place). For others, the hallowing and the toasts make the entire feast an offering to the gods. The separate plate is more common at a solo or family veizla; in such cases while the humans eat, the plate may be set aside on the altar as at a blót including food.
It seems likely that what the ancient heathens did, at least when they came together at festivals, was sacrifice, feast, and then sumble. If this sequence is followed, the feast may be seen as a transition from the focus on the gods in blót / blétsung to the focus on the human community and tradition in sumble / symbel. It also, obviously, provides a way to cushion the stomach before the drinking in sumble / symbel and thus avoid drunkenness.
The Old Norse accounts emphasize that the meat from the sacrificed animal was boiled; the cauldrons hung over the fire in the feasting area, and when the Christian king Hákon the Good balked at participating, sniffing the steam was accepted as an adequate gesture. We also know that cattle were the most commonly sacrificed animals, followed by horses. Some heathens may therefore wish to serve boiled beef at veizla / húsel.
Since there is not the large body of modern tradition concerning veizla / húsel that there is for the other two rites, I will cite a lore passage from which many conclusions can be drawn about how to do it. Chapter 14 (or 16) of Hákonar Saga Góða or Hákonar Saga Aðalsteinsfóstra (The Saga of Hákon the Good or The Saga of Hákon Fosterling of Æþelstán) in Heimskringla is headed “Frá Blótum” (“Of Blóts”) and states:
Það var forn siður þá er blót skyldi vera að allir bændur skyldu þar koma sem hof var og flytja þannug föng sín, þau er þeir skyldu hafa meðan veislan stóð. Að veislu þeirri skyldu allir menn öl eiga. Þar var og drepinn alls konar smali og svo hross en blóð það allt er þar kom af, þá var kallað hlaut og hlautbollar það er blóð það stóð í, og hlautteinar, það var svo gert sem stökklar, með því skyldi rjóða stallana öllu saman og svo veggi hofsins utan og innan og svo stökkva á mennina en slátur skyldi sjóða til mannfagnaðar. Eldar skyldu vera á miðju gólfi í hofinu og þar katlar yfir. Skyldi full um eld bera en sá er gerði veisluna og höfðingi var, þá skyldi hann signa fullið og allan blótmatinn. Skyldi fyrst Óðins full, skyldi það drekka til sigurs og ríkis konungi sínum, en síðan Njarðar full og Freys full til árs og friðar. Þá var mörgum mönnum títt að drekka þar næst bragafull. Menn drukku og full frænda sinna, þeirra er heygðir höfðu verið, og voru það minni kölluð.*
It was the ancient custom that when there was to be a blót, all the farmers were to come to where the hof was and bring with them their provisions that they had to have while the veizla was taking place. Everyone was to have ale for the veizla. And all kinds of cattle were slaughtered there, and also horses, and all the blood that came from them was called “hlaut” and the bowls that the blood was collected in, “hlaut-bowls,” and “hlautteinar,” which were made like aspergills, with which the whole of the altars was to be reddened and likewise the walls of the hof, outside and in, and the people were also to be sprinkled; and the meat was to be boiled for consumption by the assembly. There were to be fires in the middle of the hof floor and the cauldrons hung over them. A toast was to be passed over the fire and he who was holding the veizla and was chieftain was then to sign the toast and all the food from the blót. First was to be a toast to Óðinn, which was to be drunk to victory and the kingdom of his king, and then a toast to Njörðr and a toast to Freyr for peace and plenty. Then many people customarily drank a bragafull after that. People also drank fulls to their kin who had been buried, and that was called a “minni.”
Note that the veizla was a special meal; the farmers were also required to bring provisions with them, i.e., for normal eating and drinking outside the sacral feast. It is also specifically stated that they need “ale” for the feast, so the toasts were important; I interpret the wording here as its being the host’s duty to provide the drink. (“Ale” is a very general word in Old Norse usage; it could have been mead or beer, but would have been of especially good quality for the feast.) The detail of passing the drink across the fire (not “around” as sometimes mistranslated) also occurs later in Heimskringla, in chapters 2 and 3 of Ólafs Saga Kyrra (Saga of Olaf the Gentle), and in at least one other historical saga, and this is and the emphasis on the fire are the basis for regarding it as a hallowing and not merely an accident of the layout of the Norse feast-space. (I note also that this text says the drink “was to be” (skyldi) passed over fire, and that the wording here and in the other sagas is “fire,” not “the fire.”) The “signing,” as well as the spin Jarl Sigurð puts on King Hákon’s crossing his drink two or three chapters later, are the basis of hammer-signing as hallowing. The setting aside as a plate for the gods is nowhere mentioned; it is a modern innovation based partly on other religions, including on the seder. The sequence of three fulls and the terms bragafull and minni have influenced the toasting at modern blóts and sumbles (the tradition of three rounds, the tradition of a round in honor of the dead) as well as in veizla, although few modern heathens feel it necessary to toast only specifically Óðinn/Woden, Njörð, and Freyr/Frea. This account of the proceedings says the fire with the cauldrons over it was in the middle of the floor of the hof, but Eyrbyggja Saga (Saga of the Settlers of Eyr) ch. 4 and Kjalnesinga Saga (Saga of the People of Kjalnes) ch. 2 both say the altar was located in an apse-like enclosure at one end of the hof, and this and archeological evidence (for example at Yeavering, in Northumbria) indicate the blót space and feast space were adjacent but not the same. However, the account of the proceedings passes easily from blót to veizla and back again; the asperging and the reddening of the hof walls clearly belong to the blót, not the feast. And in the later chapter, when the king crosses his cup at the start of the veizla, the people ask “Vill hann enn eigi blóta?” (“Isn’t he going to blót, then?”) So it is evident that the ancient heathens proceeded from sacrifice to feast and to a certain extent combined them in their minds.
* This is a modernized Icelandic version of the Old Norse original, from the Netútgáfn online edition located at; the translation that follows the Old Norse passage is my own.


Veizla : **Banquet*.
À noter : chez les Scandinaves de l’époque viking, le déroulement du banquet est quasiment codifié avec des « phases » dont certaines à caractère sacré (voir : drekka mini et sumbel).

lundi 21 novembre 2016

Troisième chant de Gudrún



The Third Lay of Guthrun

The short Guthrunarkvitha III, entitled in the manuscript simply Guthrunarkvitha, but so numbered in most editions to distinguish it from the first and second Guthrun lays, appears only in the Codex Regius. It is neither quoted nor paraphrased in the Volsungasaga, the compilers of which appear not to have known the story with which it deals. The poem as we have it is evidently complete and free from serious interpolations. It can safely be dated from the first half of the eleventh century, for the ordeal by boiling water, with which it is chiefly concerned, was first introduced into Norway by St. Olaf, who died in 1030, and the poem speaks of it in stanza 7 as still of foreign origin.
The material for the poem evidently came from North Germany, but there is little indication that the poet was working on the basis of a narrative legend already fully formed. The story of the wife accused of faithlessness who proves her innocence by the test of boiling water had long been current in Germany, as elsewhere, and had attached itself to various women of legendary fame, but not except in this poem, so far as we can judge, to Guthrun (Kriemhild). The introduction of Thjothrek (Theoderich, Dietrich, Thithrek) is another indication of relative lateness, for the legends of Theoderich do not appear to have reached the North materially before the year 1000. On the anachronism of bringing Thjothrek to Atli's court cf. Guthrunarkvitha II, introductory prose, note, in which the development of the Theoderich tradition in its relation to that of Atli is briefly outlined.
Guthrunarkvitha III is, then, little more than a dramatic German story made into a narrative lay by a Norse poet, with the names of Guthrun, Atli, Thjothrek, and Herkja incorporated for the sake of greater effectiveness. Its story probably nowhere formed a part of the living tradition c)f Sigurth and Atli, but the poem has so little distinctively Norse coloring that it may Possibly have been based on a story or even a poem which its composer heard in Germany or from the lips of a German narrator.
p. 466
Herkja was the name of a serving-woman of Atli's; she had been his concubine. She told Atli that she had seen Thjothrek and Guthrun both together. Atli was greatly angered thereby. Then Guthrun said:
1. "What thy sorrow, Atli, | Buthli's son?
Is thy heart heavy-laden? | Why laughest thou never?
It would better befit | the warrior far
To speak with men, | and me to look on."
Atli spake:
2. "It troubles me, Guthrun, | Gjuki's daughter,
What Herkja here | in the hall hath told me,
That thou in the bed | with Thjothrek liest,
Beneath the linen | in lovers' guise."
Guthrun spake:
3. "This shall I | with oaths now swear,
Swear by the sacred | stone so white,
That nought was there | with Thjothmar's son
That man or woman | may not know.
[Prose. The annotator derived all the material for this note from the poem itself, except for the reference to Herkja as Atli's former concubine. Herkja: the historical Kreka and the Helche of the Nibelungenlied, who there appears as Etzel's (Attila's) first wife. Thjothrek: cf. Introductory Note.
2. The manuscript omits the names of the speakers through out.
3. Holy stone: just what this refers to is uncertain; it may be identical with the "ice-cold stone of Uth" mentioned in an oath in Helgakvitha Hundingsbana II, 29. Thjothmar's son: the manuscript has simply "Thjothmar." Some editions change it as [fp. 467] here, some assume that Thjothmar is another name or an error for Thjothrek, and Finnur Jonsson not only retains Thjothmar here but changes Thjothrek to Thjothmar in stanza 5 to conform to it.]
p. 467
4. "Nor ever once | did my arms embrace
The hero brave, | the leader of hosts;
In another manner | our meeting was,
When our sorrows we | in secret told.
5. "With thirty warriors | Thjothrek came,
Nor of all his men | doth one remain;
Thou hast murdered my brothers | and mail-clad men,
Thou hast murdered all | the men of my race.
6. "Gunnar comes not, | Hogni I greet not,
No longer I see | my brothers loved;
My sorrow would Hogni | avenge with the sword,
Now myself for my woes | I shall payment win.
7. "Summon Saxi, | the southrons' king,
For be the boiling | kettle can hallow."
[5. Regarding the death of Thjothrek's men cf. Guthrunarkvitha II, introductory prose, note. It was on these stanzas of Guthrunarkvitha III that the annotator based his introduction to Guthrunarkvitha II. The manuscript repeats the "thirty" in line 2, in defiance of metrical requirements.
6. In the manuscript this stanza follows stanza 7; many editions have made the transposition.
7. Who Saxi may be is not clear, but the stanza clearly points to the time when the ordeal by boiling water was still regarded as a foreign institution, and when a southern king (i. e., a Christian from some earlier-converted region) was necessary [fp. 467] to consecrate the kettle used in the test. The ordeal by boiling water followed closely the introduction of Christianity, which took place around the year 1000. Some editions make two stanzas out of stanza 7, and Müllenhoff contends that lines 1-2 do not constitute part of Guthrun's speech.]
p. 468
Seven hundred | there were in the hall,
Ere the queen her hand | in the kettle thrust.
8. To the bottom she reached | with hand so bright,
And forth she brought | the flashing stones:
"Behold, ye warriors, | well am I cleared
Of sin by the kettle's | sacred boiling."
9. Then Atli's heart | in happiness laughed,
When Guthrun's hand | unhurt he saw;
"Now Herkja shall come | the kettle to try,
She who grief | for Guthrun planned."
10. Ne'er saw man sight | more sad than this,
How burned were the hands | of Herkja then;
In a bog so foul | the maid they flung,
And so was Guthrun's | grief requited.

[10. The word "requited" in line 4 is omitted in the manuscript, but it is clear that some such word was intended. The punishment of casting a culprit into a bog to be drowned was particularly reserved for women, and is not infrequently mentioned in the sagas.]

GUÐRÚNARKVIÐA III (The Third Lay of Gudrún)

jeudi 10 novembre 2016



Brynhild's Hell-Ride

The little Helreith Brynhildar immediately follows the "short" Sigurth lay in the Codex Regius, being linked to it by the brief prose note; the heading, "Brynhild's Ride on Hel-Way," stands just before the first stanza. The entire poem, with the exception of stanza. 6, is likewise quoted in the Nornageststhattr. Outside of one stanza (No. 11), which is a fairly obvious interpolation, the poem possesses an extraordinary degree of dramatic unity, and, certain pedantic commentators notwithstanding, it is one of the most vivid and powerful in the whole collection. None the less, it has been extensively argued that parts of it belonged originally to the so-called Sigrdrifumol. That it stands in close relation to this poem is evident enough, but it is difficult to believe that such a masterpiece of dramatic poetry was ever the result of mere compilation. It seems more reasonable to regard the Helreith, with the exception of stanza 11 and allowing for the loss of two lines from stanza 6, as a complete and carefully constructed unit, based undoubtedly on older poems, but none the less an artistic creation in itself.
The poem is generally dated as late as the eleventh century, and the concluding stanza betrays Christian influence almost unmistakably. It shows the confusion of traditions manifest in all the later poems; for example, Brynhild is here not only a Valkyrie but also a swan-maiden. Only three stanzas have any reference to the Guthrun-Gunnar part of the story; otherwise the poem is concerned solely with the episode of Sigurth's finding the sleeping Valkyrie. Late as it is, therefore, it is essentially a Norse creation, involving very few of the details of the German cycle (cf. introductory note to Gripisspo).
After the death of Brynhild there were made two bale-fires, the one for Sigurth, and that burned first, and on the other was Brynhild burned, and she was on a
p. 443
wagon which was covered with a rich cloth. Thus it is told, that Brynhild went in the wagon on Hel-way, and passed by a house where dwelt a certain giantess. The giantess spake:
1. "Thou shalt not further | forward fare,
My dwelling ribbed | with rocks across;
More seemly it were | at thy weaving to stay,
Than another's husband | here to follow.
2. "What wouldst thou have | from Valland here,
Fickle of heart, | in this my house?
Gold-goddess, now, | if thou wouldst know,
Heroes' blood | from thy hands hast washed."
Brynhild spake:
3. "Chide me not, woman | from rocky walls,
Though to battle once | I was wont to go;
Better than thou | I shall seem to be,
When men us two | shall truly know."
The giantess spake:
4. "Thou wast, Brynhild, | Buthli's daughter,
[Prose. The prose follows the last stanza of Sigurtharkvitha en skamma without break. Two bale-fires: this contradicts the statement made in the concluding stanzas of Sigurtharkvitha en skamma, that Sigurth and Brynhild were burned on the same pyre; there is no evidence that the annotator here had anything but his own mistaken imagination to go on.
2. Valland: this name ("Land of Slaughter") is used else where of mythical places; cf. Harbarthsljoth, 24, and prose introduction to Völundarkvitha; it may here not be a proper name at all, Gold-goddess: poetic circumlocution for "woman."]
p. 444
For the worst of evils | born in the world;
To death thou hast given | Gjuki's children,
And laid their lofty | house full low."
Brynhild spake:
5. "Truth from the wagon | here I tell thee,
Witless one, | if know thou wilt
How the heirs of Gjuki | gave me to be
joyless ever, | a breaker of oaths.
6. "Hild the helmed | in Hlymdalir
They named me of old, | all they who knew me.
.    .    .    .    .        .    .    .    .    .
.    .    .    .    .        .    .    .    .    .
7. "The monarch bold | the swan-robes bore
Of the sisters eight | beneath an oak;
[6. In Regius these two lines stand after stanza 7, but most editions; place them as here. They are not quoted in the Nornageststhattr. Presumably two lines, and perhaps more, have been lost. It has frequently been argued that all or part of the passage from stanza 6 through stanza 10 (6-10, 7-10 or 8-10) comes originally from the so-called Sigrdrifumol, where it would undoubtedly fit exceedingly well. Hild: a Valkyrie name meaning "Fighter" (cf. Voluspo, 31). in such compound names as Brynhild ("Fighter in Armor") the first element was occasionally omitted. Hlymdalir ("Tumult-Dale"): a mythical name, merely signifying the place of battle as the home of Valkyries.
7. Regarding the identification of swan-maidens with Valkyries, and the manner in which men could get them in their power by stealing their swan-garments, cf. Völundarkvitha, introductory prose and note, where the same thing happens. The monarch: perhaps Agnar, brother of Autha, mentioned in Sigrdrifumol (prose and quoted verse following stanza 4) as the warrior for [fp. 445] whose sake Brynhild defied Othin in slaying Hjalmgunnar. Eight: the Nornageststhattr manuscripts have "sisters of Atli" instead of "sisters eight."]
p. 445
Twelve winters I was, | if know thou wilt,
When oaths I yielded | the king so young.
8. "Next I let | the leader of Goths,
Hjalmgunnar the old, | go down to hell,
And victory brought | to Autha's brother;
For this was Othin's | anger mighty.
9. "He beset me with shields | in Skatalund,
Red and white, | their rims o'erlapped;
He bade that my sleep | should broken be
By him who fear | had nowhere found.
10. "He let round my hall, | that southward looked,
The branches' foe | high-leaping burn;
Across it he bade | the hero come
Who brought me the gold | that Fafnir guarded
11. On Grani rode | the giver of gold,
[8. Hjalmgunnar: regarding this king of the Goths (the phrase means little) and his battle with Agnar, brother of Autha cf. Sigrdrifumol, prose after stanza 4. One Nornageststhattr manuscript has "brother of the giantess" in place of "leader of Goths."
9. Cf. Sigrdrifumol, prose introduction. Skatalund ("Warriors' Grove"): a mythical name; elsewhere the place where Brynhild lay is called Hindarfjoll.
10. Branches' foe: fire. Regarding the treasure cf. Fafnismol.
11. This stanza is presumably an interpolation, reflecting a different version of the story, wherein Sigurth meets Brynhild at the home of her brother-in-law and foster-father, Heimir (cf. [fp. 446] Gripisspo, 19 and 27). Grani: Sigurth's horse. Danes: nowhere else does Sigurth appear in this capacity. Perhaps this is a curious relic of the Helgi tradition.]
p. 446
Where my foster-father | ruled his folk;
Best of all | he seemed to be,
The prince of the Danes, | when the people met.
12. "Happy we slept, | one bed we had,
As he my brother | born had been;
Eight were the nights | when neither there
Loving hand | on the other laid.
13. "Yet Guthrun reproached me, | Gjuki's daughter,
That I in Sigurth's | arms had slept;
Then did I hear | what I would were hid,
That they had betrayed me | in taking a mate.
14. "Ever with grief | and all too long
Are men and women | born in the world;
But yet we shall live | our lives together,
Sigurth and I. | Sink down, Giantess!"
[12. Eight nights: elsewhere (cf. Gripisspo, 4.2) the time is stated as three nights, not eight. There is a confusion of traditions here, as in Gripisspo. In the version of the story wherein Sigurth met Brynhild before he encountered the Gjukungs, Sigurth was bound by no oaths, and the union was completed; it is only in the alternative version that the episode of the sword laid between the two occurs.

14. The idea apparently conveyed in the concluding lines, that Sigurth and Brynhild will be together in some future life, is utterly out of keeping with the Norse pagan traditions, and the whole stanza indicates the influence of Christianity.]


VALKNUT, UN SYMBOLE PAÏEN DES PEUPLES NORDIQUES...ïens-et-inscriptions-runiques-230064080465741/

Ce symbole se nomme le Valknut, mot qui vient des langues nordiques et qui signifie «le nœud des tombés». Il fait référence aux guerriers tombés au combat. C’est un symbole purement nordique ; il est donc exclusivement issu du cadre culturel germano-nordique. On le retrouve gravé sur de nombreuses pierres funéraires d’époque viking, tout particulièrement sur l’île de Gotland en Mer Baltique (en bas sur la photo).
On peut le distinguer gravé sur la pierre de Lärbro où le Valknut tient une position très centrale ; à sa droite se trouve le Dieu Odin muni de sa lance Gungnir et surmonté d’un des corbeaux accompagnant le Dieu.

Comme nous l’enseignent ces pierres gravées, le Valknut est étroitement associé au Dieu Odin. « Le père des occis », Odin, est entre autres le Dieu qui reçoit les guerriers morts au combat au Valhalla, « la halle des occis ». Nous sommes donc en présence d’un symbole qui accompagne le voyage du défunt au travers des différents mondes vers le Valhalla, un signe incarnant le monde post mortem des guerriers. Les guerriers sont dans ce contexte des héros solaires qui ont réussi à soustraire à la loi des cycles, ils deviennent alors des immortels. Ce thème du héros solaire est typique des traditions païennes indo-européennes.

Le Valknut est composé de trois triangles entrelacés, 3 fois 3, ce qui nous mène à une symbolique numérique très importante dans les mythes nordiques : la magie du chiffre 9 incarnée par les neuf mondes. La cosmogonie nordique contemple en effet 9 mondes situés le long de l’arbre cosmique Yggdrasil. Ces mondes sont les suivants :
- Asgard – le royaume des Dieux Ases, les Dieux célestes et ouraniens. C’est d’Asgard que procèdent des Divinités comme Odin, Týr, Balder, ou bien Thor. Ils sont des Dieux guerriers et gardiens de l’ordre cosmique
- Vanaheim – le monde des Dieux Vanes, les Dieux terrestres et chtoniens. Ils sont responsables de fertilité et de la fécondité. De Vanaheim viennent des Dieux comme Frey, Freya, ou Njörd.
- Ljösalfheim – la terre des Elfes lumineux.
- Midgard – la terre du milieu, le monde des hommes.
- Jötunheim – le monde des Géants, représentants des forces chaotiques.
- Svartalfheim – le royaume des Elfes obscurs, c’est-à-dire celui des Nains, liés aux forces souterraines.
- Helheim – le domaine des morts.
- Nifelheim – le monde des glaces et de la brume, gardé par les Géants du givre.
- Muspelheim – le monde du feu, gardé par le Géant Surt.

Le chiffre 3 symbolise les trois niveaux de la sacralité indo-européenne : corps-parole-esprit. Le 3 est par ailleurs le chiffre qui permet d'activer les énergies d'un rituel magico-religieux. Il est à noter d’ailleurs qui si l’on y regarde de plus près, au centre du Valknut se trouve dessiné les contours d’un Triskèle. Ce chiffe 3 multiplié par lui-même donne 9, chiffre sacré qui représente donc la totalité cosmogonique, l’ensemble harmonieux et divin. Ces 9 mondes, mis à part Midgard, la terre des hommes, nous enseignent une suite de complémentarités intéressantes :
Nifelheim / Muspelheim : Glace et Feu
Asgard / Helheim : Ciel et Infra-monde
Vanaheim / Jötunheim : Création et Destruction
Ljösalfheim / Svartalfeim : Lumière et Obscurité.

Ce chiffre 9 lié au Valknut revêt un caractère sacré dans les anciens mythes nordiques car on le retrouve très souvent :
- Neuf sont les nuits durant lesquelles le Dieu Odin est pendu à l’arbre cosmique Yggdrasil afin d’acquérir la connaissance et la sagesse.
- Neuf sont les mères du Dieu Heimdal, le gardien du pont arc-en-ciel Bifrost.
- Neuf sont les nuits que doit attendre le Dieu Frey pour s’unir à la Déesse Gerd, la Terre-Mère.
- Neuf sont les jours que passent alternativement Skadi et Njörd à Nóatún.
- Chaque neuvième nuit naît de l’anneau Draupnir un nouvel anneau.
- Neuf sont les filles qui entourent Menglöd, la vierge que l’on compare à la Déesse Freya.
- Neuf sont les filles du Géant Aegir, le maître des océans.
- Neuf sont les pas que le Dieu Thor réalise après sa lutte finale contre le Serpent Jörmungand.
- Neuf sont les sacrifices qui pendant neuf jours se font tous les neuf ans au temple de Uppsala.

Il paraît donc évident que le 9 possède une valeur hautement symbolique dont la dimension magico-religieuse est indéniable. Neuf est le temps de la gestation, neuf mois de grossesse pour que la femme donne le jour à un nouvel enfant. Il symbolise ici le renouvellement de la vie, le début d’un cycle nouveau, il est l’image de la naissance et de la renaissance. Un grand nombre de langues européennes ont d'ailleurs gardé le souvenir de cette valeur symbolique car il existe une parenté lingüistique peu connue entre le chiffre et la notion de nouveau (cycle):
- en français: 9 (neuf) et Neuf (nouveau)
- en allemand: 9 (neun) et Neu (nouveau)
- en anglais: 9 (nine) et New (nouveau)
- en italien: 9 (nove) et Nove (nouveau)
- en espagnol: 9 (nueve) et Nuevo (nouveau)
- en norvégien: 9 (ni) et Ny (nouveau)
- en breton: 9 (nav) et Nevez (nouveau).

Le 9 est également lié à la lune et à l’élément liquide, car 3x9 fait 27, ce qui est une des marques d’un cycle lunaire, qui lui-même est directement lié au cycle de la menstruation féminine. Les phases de la lune et des marées étant étroitement liées, nous avons là aussi une connexion directe entre forces lunaires et aquatiques, notions liées à celle de la fécondité.

Hathuwolf Harsonïens-et-inscriptions-runiques-230064080465741/



mardi 8 novembre 2016


Nidud was a king in Svitjod named: he had two sons and a daughter named Bodvild. There were three brothers, sons of the king of Finns; Slagfinn, Egil, and the third Völund; they went hunting skiing. They came to Wolfdales, and there made themselves a house, where there is a water called Wolfsea. Early one morning they found on the border of the lake three females sitting and spinning flax. Near them lay their swanplumages: they were valkyries. Two of them, Ladgunn swanwhite and Hervor Alvit, were daughters of King Lodve; the third was Olrun, a daughter of Kiar of Valland. They took them home with them to their dwelling. Egil had Olrun, Slagfinn Swanwhite, and Völund Alvit. They lived there seven years, when they flew away seeking conflicts, and did not return. Egil then went on snowshoes in search of Olrun, and Slagfinn in search of Swanwhite, but Völund remained in Wolfdales. He was a most skilful man, as we learn from old traditions. King Nidud ordered him to be seized, so as it is here related.

1. Women flew north
through the Darkwood forest,
- Alvit the young -
destiny to fulfil.
On the lake's margin
they sat to' repose,
the southern damsels;
precious flax they spun.

2. One of them
Egil clasped,
the fair white maid,
in his arms.
Swanwhite was the second,
she a swan's plumage bore,
- - - - - - - - -
- - - - - - - - -
but the third,
their sister,
the whiteneck
clasped of Völund.

3. There they stayed
seven winters through;
but all the eighth
were with longing seized;
and in the ninth
fate parted them.
The maidens yearned
for the dark forest,
the young Alvit,
destiny to fulfil.

4. Comes from the forest
sharp-sighted marksmen,
Slagfinn and Egil,
found their house deserted,
went out and in,
and looked around.
Egil went east
after Olrun,
and Slagfinn south
after Swanwhite;

5. But Völund
remained in Wolfdale.
He rap the red gold
around the glimmer rocks,
ring after ring
he lay out with cord,
and so awaited
his bright consort,
if to him
she would return.

6. Then ask Nidud,
the king from Njar,
that Völund
remained in Wolfdale;
in the night went edges,
in studded corslets;
their shields glistened
in the waning moon.

7. From their saddles they alighted
at the house's gable,
thence went in
through the hall.
See they bow's
on bass rope drawn,
seven hundred,
which the warrior owned.

8. Rings they took off,
and they put them on,
only one of them
they bore away.
Comes from the forest
sharp-sighted marksman,
Völund, suffering
on the long way.

9. To the fire he went,
bear's flesh to roast,
a fire was burning
with dry out pinewood,
a sparkling fire,
for Völund.

10. Sat on bearskin,
his bows counted,
the elf king;
one was missing.
He thought
that Lodve's daughter,
the young Alvit,
was returned.

11. Long he sat,
until he slept;
and he awoke
of joy bereft:
on his hands
he felt heavy constraints,
and round his feet
fetters clasped.

«Who is the man
taken me by force,
and with bass rope
me have bond?»

13. Say then Nidud
the king of Njars:
«What did you get, Völund,
wise elf!
on our property in Wolfdale?»

«No gold was there
in Spruce's path.
Long way from our land
to Rhine hills there is.
I mind me that we more
treasures possessed,
when, a whole family,
we were at home.

15. Ladgunn and Hervor,
children of Lodve,
only was Olrun Kiar's daughter.»

16. [Outside stand the wise
wife of Nidud
and] she entered
into the hall,
stood on the floor,
her voice moderated:
«He is not mirthful,
the man now.»

King Nidud gave to his daughter Bodvild the goldring, which had been taken from the bass of Völund; but he himself bore the sword that Völund owned, the queen say:

17. «Evil is his eye's
as the raging snake;
his teeth he shows,
when the sword he sees,
and he Bodvild's
bow may see.
Sinew and limb,
they cut him,
and set him then
in Seaplace.

Then it was done; sinew in his knee they cut, and then set on a small island near the shore of a land, called Seaplace. He there forged for the king all kinds of animal traps. No one was allowed to go to him, except the king.

«Shines Nidud's
sword in his belt,
which I whetted
as I could best,
and tempered,
as seemed to me most cunningly;
that bright blade forever
is taken away from me:
never shall I see it borne
into Völund's smithy.

19. Now Bodvild
have the brides ring,
for the red bows
I get no indemnity.»

20. He sat and never slept,
and his hammer plied;
good lay-words
he for Nidud crafted.
Drifting young boys
come to his door,
sons of Nidud
in Seaplace.

21. To a chest they came,
for the keys asked;
then was ill faith made
when therein they looked.
Full of wisdom craft there was;
the boy's believed they see
the red gold
and the glimmer-rocks.

«Come ye two alone,
to-morrow come!
then the gold shall
be given to you;
tell it not to the maidens,
nor to the household folk,
nor to any one,
that ye have been with me.»

23. Early called
one the other,
brother, brother:
«Let us go see the rings!»
To the chest they came,
for the keys asked;
manifest was their grudge,
when therein they looked.

24. Of those children
he the heads cut off,
the feet's he throw
into the forge-fire;
their skulls
beneath the hair
he in silver set,
and to Nidud gave.

25. And of their eyes
sent he to the wise
wife of Nidud;
of the teeth
he then made
breast ornament,
and to Bodvild sent.

26. Bodvild may give
praise to the bow,
- - - - - - - - -
- - - - - - - - -
[to Völund brought it,]
when broken it was:
I dare to no tell it,
save alone to thee.

I will so repair
the fractured gold,
that to thy father
it shall fairer seem,
and to thy mother
much more beautiful,
and to thyself,
in the same degree.»

28. He then
brought her beer,
went to here bed;
she fell asleep.
«Now avenged I have
all my harm,
all except one,
on ill men.»

29. «Select me!» said Völund;
«I did not become foot-loose
when my sinew was cut
by Nidud men.»
Laughing Völund
rose in air,
weeping was Bodvild
from the isle departed,
regretful she went,
rode to her father.

30. Outside stand the wise
wife of Nidud
walked she all the way
along the hall
- he on the enclosure
sat down to rest -:
«Art thou awake, Nidud,
the king of Njars?»

31. NIDUD:
«Ever am I awake,
joyless; I lie to rest,
when I call to mind
my children's death.
My head is chilled,
cold advice you have.
Now I only want
to Völund find.

32. Listen! Völund,
wise elf!
where is my
brave boys?»

«Oaths shalt thou first
to me swear,
by board of ship,
by rim of shield,
by shoulder of steed,
by edge of sword,
thou wilt no ill
to Völund wife,
nor yet my bride
to her death wilt bring,
a wife I should have
that well thou knowest,
a child I should have
within thy hall.

34. To the smithy go,
which you have made,
there will you the bellows find
with blood besprinkled.
The heads I cut
of thy boys,
and under the prison's mien
laid their bodies.

35. But their skulls
beneath the hair
I in silver set,
and to Nidud gave;
and of their eyes
precious stones
which to Nidud's
wily wife I sent.

36. Of the teeth
of the two
breast ornaments I made,
and to Bodvild sent;
now Bodvild
goes big with child,
the only daughter of you both.»

37. NIDUD:
«Word didst thou never
speak that more afflicted me,
or for which I would punish thee, Völund!
There is no man so tall
that he from thy horse can take thee,
or so skilful
that he can shoot thee down,
thence where thou floatest
up in the sky.»

38. Laughing Völund
rose in air,
but Nidud sad
remained sitting.

39. NIDUD:
«Rise up Thakkrath,
my best of slaves!
Bid Bodvild,
my fair-browed daughter,
in bright attire come,
with her sire to speak.

40. Is it, Bodvild!
True what has been told to me:
that thou and Völund
in the isle together sat?»

41. Bodvild:
«True it is, Nidud!
What has been told to thee,
that Völund and I
in the isle together sat,
in an unlucky hour:
would it had never been!
I could not
against him strive;
I might not
against him prevail.»